Politics
The House Opinion Article | We can’t have assisted dying in a care crisis

4 min read
It is welcome news that Andy Burnham has made it clear that assisted suicide should not be introduced while the situation with social and palliative care in this country is so dire.
Hospice and palliative care face a severe funding problem. A National Audit Office report published at the end of last year found that nearly two-thirds of England’s independent hospices ran a financial deficit in 2023/24, with expenditures exceeding income by £78m. The hospice care provider, Marie Curie, revealed this year that around 170,000 people die annually in England with unaddressed symptoms, and unmet palliative care needs are expected to rise by 23 per cent in the next 25 years unless drastic measures are taken to fix the deficiencies.
Such a context is not one in which assisted suicide should be legalised. Individuals with unmet palliative care needs would not be given genuine choice at the end of their lives. Sufficient treatment would often not be an option, but a hastened death would be. Indeed, as health secretary, Wes Streeting warned that funding for palliative and end-of-life care would have to be reduced so funding could be diverted to set up assisted suicide services.
Lauren Edwards, the MP sponsoring the latest iteration of the assisted suicide bill, responded to the Prime Minister’s statement by making the claim that you don’t have to choose between fixing palliative care or having assisted suicide – it would be possible to have both. This has become a common refrain from supporters, but there cannot be a genuine choice if funding for care is so inadequate that some terminally ill people may feel forced into a premature death because their basic needs are not being met. The argument just doesn’t hold water.
Not only would there likely be less funding to fix palliative care if assisted suicide were to be introduced, which would bring its own costs, but the reforms needed to solve the deeply entrenched funding problems in the care sector are not a quick fix; they will take time.
The assisted suicide legislation includes an implementation period of a maximum of four years that would begin immediately after receiving Royal Assent and becoming law. This would mean that, after four years, assisted suicide would automatically be introduced regardless of the state of palliative care services at that time. I have every hope that the PM achieves his goal of fixing the funding issues in the care sector, but setting a hard limit of only a few years – less than the lifespan of one parliament – to fully address this monumental problem would be an irresponsible hostage to fortune.
Experts also agree that it is simply not feasible to attempt to do both at the same time. Professor Katherine Sleeman, Chair in Palliative Care at King’s College, London, has said that introducing assisted suicide when care services are so fragmented presents a “huge risk” that people may decide to end their lives “simply because of lack of high-quality care”. Professor Mumtaz Patel, President of the Royal College of Physicians, said something similar to the House of Lords Select Committee that considered the last assisted suicide bill: that people would certainly choose to end their lives “because of the lack of provision around good palliative care”. That, surely, is not what anyone wants.
Fixing palliative care is of enduring national importance, and it is welcome that the PM, along with both supporters and opponents of the assisted suicide legislation, recognises it as such. MPs must unite to implement the reforms needed to address these funding issues.
And yet, it seems irrefutable to me that care services cannot be fixed concurrently with the legalisation of assisted suicide, and that assisted suicide could not be introduced safely. Care services remain in a poor state. The obvious solution, as the PM has recognised, is to defer any talk of assisted suicide until we have fixed the issues with palliative care. Anything else would be irresponsible.
Mary Glindon is Labour MP for Newcastle upon Tyne East and Wallsend
Politics
Burnham To Hand Mayors Power To Take Over Local Planning Decisions
Andy Burnham is handing mayors the authority to take over local planning decisions in his latest devolution push.
The prime minister will present proposals next week aimed at giving regional leaders the chance to “call in” major decisions, including large-scale developments, and direct councils to accept them or refuse them.
They will be allowed to give developers upfront permission, too, so they can build without having to apply.
This latest decision is meant to stop “nimby” – “not in my back yard” – councils from refusing significant building works which could help the government reach its target of building 1.5 million homes by the end of this parliament or boost local economic growth.
The government is only a quarter of the way to that building target two years after the general elections.
Mayors will have authority when it comes to developments of more than 150 homes, commercial space larger than 15,000 sq metres or any building 30 metres or taller.
Speaking to the Sunday Times, Burnham said: “Sometimes… challenge does need to be made to local decision-making, and actually it cuts both ways.
“It’s not all about nimbyism. Sometimes it’s the other way round.
“It’s a local authority putting forward something that’s unacceptable in terms of the impact on the community… so it’s a two-way street.”
The prime minister acknowledged concerns that this could end up taking power away from councillors, MPs and constituents.
However, he told the newspaper: “The question is: do you want somebody who’s elected by the people of that area to consider a decision, or a far less accountable decision-making process?”
He has the support of 10 of the 14 devolved mayors from different parties so far.
London mayor Sadiq Khan was already given these powers earlier this year in what was described as an emergency measure to help get more affordable homes built in the capital.
Burnham said: “In my view, it will prompt a much more joined-up discussion about planning and local authorities. I think knowing the mayor has that role, councils will come to the mayor and say: ‘How can we work this thing out so that it is acceptable?’”
A consultation will be published next week, but the Liberal Democrats have already condemned the proposals.
The party’s housing and planning spokesperson Gideon Amos said: “Taking powers away from communities and local councillors is taking powers away from local people. This plan is a direct attack on communities across the country. Labour’s chaotic patchwork approach to devolution will simply not work to solve the housing crisis.
“Instead of silencing residents and handing mayors a blank cheque, the government should be empowering local councils with the resources to deliver genuinely affordable homes alongside the infrastructure to support them.”
Leader of the Green Group at the Local Government Association (LGA), Councillor Emily O’Brien, said: “Green-run Councils and Green Party councillors will be appalled by this centralisation of power. This Labour government likes to talk about ‘devolution’ but this is just the latest and most shocking demonstration that their real agenda is not handing power down, but taking it away from local communities and local councils.
“Our residents do not want to see planning put it in the hands of regional mayors, who are out of touch with and not directly accountable to local communities. Increasingly, developments will be signed off by officers under national rules, eroding local democracy and leaving fewer decisions to be made in public. This is the very opposite of devolution.”
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Politics
Kemi Badenoch Slaps Down Idea Of ‘Monstrous’ Tory-Reform Pact
Kemi Badenoch has rejected the idea of setting up a coalition government with Reform UK, describing it as “monstrous”.
The Conservative leader ruled out any prospect of a deal with her right-wing opponents, saying it would deter as many voters as it would attract.
There’s long been speculation that the Tories will have to join forces with Reform following their historic defeat in the 2024 general election.
But speaking to broadcaster Iain Dale at the Edinburgh Fringe, Badenoch said: “[Reform is] just people fighting all the time.
“Nigel Farage dictates what he wants depending on what he had for breakfast that day, and they’re all over the place.
“How do I work with people like that?”
Her words comes after Reform suspended commentator Tim Montgomerie, who defected from the Conservatives two years ago, over his outspoken criticism of Nigel Farage’s party.
Montgomerie has accused Farage of having a “women problem”, criticised the leader’s “angry and aggrieved tone” following his victory in the Clacton by-election and taken aim at Reform’s home affairs spokesperson Zia Yusuf repeatedly.
He has claimed the unelected politician needs to be a “team player” and stop acting like a “child” after Yusuf previously caused outrage by calling former Tory defence secretary Ben Wallace a “traitor”.
Badenoch also suggested her party’s victory in the Aberdeen South by-election in June proves they do not need a boost from other right-wing parties to win back voters.
She said: “If Reform had stood down in Aberdeen, no one would have believed we’d have won it on our own. They would have said we only got there because of Reform. So that’s why I say no deals.
“What I want is a Conservative government, not a monstrous Reform-Conservative hybrid, which will actually put as many people off as it gains.”
Reform UK has lost its dominant lead in most polls amid Andy Burnham’s takeover of the Labour government and the scandal around Farage’s finances.
The Reform leader failed to declare a £5 million donation from cryptobillionaire Christopher Harborne when he was first elected in 2024, leading to a parliamentary sleaze probe.
Farage then quit as an MP and stood again in what he described as a “people versus the establishment” contest in Clacton, forcing the investigation into his finances to pause.
All other major parties refused to stand a candidate in the by-election, calling it dubbed a “political stunt”.
Farage comfortably won his seat back earlier this month – and the probe into his finances resumed.
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Politics
Lee Anderson Advises Critics To Scroll Past Zia Yusuf’s Posts
Lee Anderson has advised critics to “scroll by” Zia Yusuf’s social media posts amid heightened scrutiny over Reform UK.
Yusuf, the party’s home affairs spokesperson, attracted backlash earlier this month when he called former defence secretary Ben Wallace a “traitor” to Britain.
Before he was suspended by Reform, party member Tim Montgomerie claimed Yusuf “consistently freelanced on Twitter” and “behaves like a child”.
Asked about the criticism surrounding Yusuf at a press conference, Reform’s chief whip Anderson defended his colleague.
He said: “I think Zia is probably one of our best communicators in Reform UK, very popular with the membership and a little bit of advice to anybody: If you don’t like what Zia says, then just scroll by. It’s really simple.”
He added: “If you don’t like what any of us have to say on social media, you don’t have to follow us. You don’t have to read our comments. Just scroll on by and go and listen to somebody else.”
Deputy leader Richard Tice also shrugged off the scrutiny around Yusuf, insisting the unelected politician is “passionate”.
He told reporters: “We’re all passionate; Zia is passionate.
“And we all, frankly, are furious at how the previous Conservative government let us all down because they said they were going to reduce immigration numbers. They didn’t. They opened the doors, they allowed the ‘Boriswave’.
“So, Zia is on great form. We’re on great form. We’re looking forward to conference. And as I tweeted out a couple of days ago, I think the summer heat may have got to a few journalists.”
Yusuf himself later took issue with reporters at the right-wing outlet Guido Fawkes after the site reported that Anderson had told people to scroll past his social media posts.
He wrote on X: “The Tory Labour establishment is terrified of my social media platform.
“My accounts do over 200 million organic views a month. Which is why establishment media is hell bent on trying to censor me.”
He added: “Remember, the things the establishment media write about Reform are not only lies, they are the *opposite* of the truth.”
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Politics
‘Shenstone 5’ speak out after receiving light sentences in rare fair trial
The ‘Shenstone 5′ anti-genocide activists have spoken out after receiving only conditional discharges for damaging a UAV Engines Ltd factory belonging to Israeli murder drone manufacturer Elbit.
Shenstone 5: rare and fair trial
The Shenstone 5 praised the judge for allowing them a fair trial – a rarity since the UK state’s war on the rights of citizens to protect Israel. The court allowed the activists to plead their political motivations for taking the action and even to show evidence of Israel’s use of drones made at the factory. And the judge even agreed they were prisoners of conscience.
Small wonder, then, that an Israel-compromised regime is determined to prevent juries from hearing about the crimes Israel commits with these weapons – or even of their legal right to acquit:
Following our trial, the Shenstone 4 were found guilty of criminal damage but are relieved to have been given only a conditional discharge. This has been almost 4 years after the action.
During the trial we were given the chance to each speak as to our motivations, what we knew about Elbit and why we did what we did. The lawyers also commented on these aspects. As such, we are glad to have been able to politicise the trial.
The judge even allowed the submitting of news articles about the Hermes 450 [drone], CAAT report on Elbit’s export licences etc as evidence after the first day.
The prosecution failed to present clear evidence regarding the sum of damage we did – they failed to present the relevant witness (two others also didn’t show up and hence the claims of violence from us also couldn’t be corroborated) but it was established that we did break 6 windows.
The one person they called up to give an estimate about the damage admitted, during cross-examination, that he knew the engines made here are used in military drones and specifically are also sent to the other Elbit- owned factory in Leicester. He had said in his statement that the business conducts lawful business but our lawyers grilled him and established that he was not in a position to say this – they got him to claim he doesn’t really know where engines do and don’t go.
The judge, after hearing our defences and evidence, said that it was clearly a crime of conscience and that he was convinced as to our belief that we were doing the right thing. As a result he gave a very light sentence and, unusually, did not force any compensation to Elbit.
We had feared having to compensate Elbit and also went in mentally prepared for for a short custodial (even if suspended) sentence if unlucky. The conditional discharge means that this will essentially disappear from our record as long as we don’t get convicted of a crime committed in the 12 months. He explained he was unable to find us not guilty due to the letter of the law.
But the action still carried a terrible cost in the face of state repression and contempt – though the Shenstone 5 said it was nothing compared to the suffering of the Palestinians:
This conviction only serves to show the imperialist injustice that lies in the so-called “justice” system. Our own comrade and co-defendant JoJo was deeply affected by the stress of this prolonged case and repression of the anti-Elbit movement, which he faced directly. This was a contributing factor to him taking his own life. We affirm that he never should have faced legal proceedings for acting to prevent genocide.
The prosecutor sought to bully us, particularly Jay, with circular questioning and and putting forward absurd statements. He told us our actions were pointless and did nothing for the Palestinians but also argued that the damage was “significant”. He said that we should have pursued other means including reporting war crimes to the police’s war crimes department, lobbying MPs and even emailing UAV Engines to tell them about our concerns. This exposed the absurd and genocidal logic of liberalism to us.
Further to this, the legal system refuses to hold the real criminals and perpetrators of genocide to account. The Palestinians continue to be the principal subjects of the genocidal settler-colonialism of Zionism. The judge said something along the lines that some of what was being disputed needed an investigation into UAV Engines but that this was beyond the purview of the court.
No repression on us can be compared to that the Palestinians face. We do not regret our actions and for this reason we have won. Long live the resistance.
Inquilab Zindabad
Shenstone 5
Featured image supplied
By Skwawkbox
Politics
Why Death Breaks So Many Friendships Apart
Speaking to The Times recently, actor Richard E. Grant – who lost his wife of 35 years, voice coach Joan Washington, in 2021 – said the experience led him to cut certain friends out of his life for good.
“There are people that have been edited out of my life, and I will never see them again,” he shared, speaking about friends who became distant after his wife’s death. “If I had done that to them, I wouldn’t be able to look them in the face.”
I’ve heard a similar sentiment from many bereaved loved ones (I’ve been blindsided by it, too). Something tragic happens, and just when you need support the most, people you’d have thought were closest to you appear to fade away.
Or maybe you feel you can never “connect” the same with your old pals after such a life-changing event (another common issue friends have shared).
What’s happening here? HuffPost UK spoke to BACP-registered therapist Laurie Hole about why friendships so often fall apart after a death.
Why do so many friendships break apart after a death?
Hole said that while death is universal, the topic of grief remains incredibly taboo for many.
“We are generally very under-equipped to understand grief or know how to support somebody through it,” she explained.
“Until you experience a significant loss, it can be almost impossible to comprehend the enormity of it – and even the grieving person themselves may struggle to make sense of what they are experiencing.”
That might mean those suffering a terrible loss feel the responsibility to explain their feelings or the nature of their pain when they might be least equipped to do so.
Therefore, the griever might isolate themselves first: “Sometimes withdrawing from friendships becomes a way of protecting already very limited emotional reserves”.
Other times, the therapist added, “Another person’s loss can bring up [friends’] own unacknowledged or unresolved grief, or confront them with feelings about death and mortality that they would rather avoid. They may have their own life challenges that mean they simply don’t have the capacity they ordinarily would.”
She said this isn’t always intentional, though it still stings.
“And sometimes people genuinely believe they are saying or doing something helpful, but it lands painfully. Good intentions don’t necessarily prevent hurt, particularly when we have so few conversations about what grief actually looks and feels like.”
How can I be a better friend to a grieving person?
Given how little grief and death are talked about, Hole shared some guidelines that can help you if your friend is going through it.
- Ban the phrase “at least”. The therapist said we should avoid sentences like “’At least they lived a long life’, ‘at least they’re no longer suffering’, ‘at least you had the time you did’ – however well-intentioned, trying to find a positive in somebody’s loss can feel incredibly devastating to the person hearing it”.
- Forget about timelines. When someone loses a loved one, Hole said, don’t try to give them a schedule for getting over the pain or “accepting” their loss. “Instead of asking whether they have accepted or moved on from the death yet, you could ask, ‘How is grief showing up for you right now?’ Be curious about their experience rather than assuming what it should look like,” she advised.
- Read up. You might not be able to imagine your friend’s pain, but it can help to “read memoirs and accounts of grief rather than expecting your friend to teach you everything – while remembering that nobody else’s grief will be exactly like theirs”.
- Don’t forget big dates. Check in on “the dates that matter: the anniversary of the death, birthdays and other significant occasions. And if you knew the person who died, share your memories,” the expert advised.
- Say their loved one’s name. “People sometimes worry that mentioning somebody who has died will remind the grieving person of their loss, but they haven’t forgotten,” stated Hole. “Hearing their loved one’s name can instead be a reminder that this person mattered to other people too.”
When should I give up on a friendship that’s suffering after a death?
Sadly, Hole said, “Friendships don’t necessarily have to last a lifetime, and losing friendships following bereavement can itself become another loss that has to be processed. The death of someone you love is already a profound loss; discovering that some of your friendships cannot survive your grief can become another loss that has to be grieved”.
There’s no right or wrong answer when it comes to breaking a friend off, she continued. “Repair might involve acknowledging what happened, listening without becoming defensive, and taking responsibility for the impact – even when causing hurt was never the intention.
“But if somebody who is grieving has explicitly communicated what they need or set boundaries and a friend continually ignores or dismisses those needs, it is reasonable to consider whether that friendship can support them at this point in their life. Sometimes that means temporarily stepping back; sometimes it means allowing the relationship to end.”
Sometimes, the therapist shared, grief can expose existing problems that were easier to hide before a death. And bereavement can make someone who used to put up with a lot more bad behaviour less forbearing, too.
“If maintaining a friendship is repeatedly causing more hurt, it may be worth asking whether that person can still have a place in your life in the same way they did before.”
Politics
Media freaks out because Burnham wears polo shirt
On Sunday 23 August, Andy Burnham visited Ukraine. And his first trip to the besieged nation has given the UK media the perfect opportunity to once again demonstrate how ridiculous they are:
Call me old-fashioned if you like, but a zip-up polo shirt on a visit to a warzone? What on earth is he thinking? Even Boris worse a suit. Knowing how the Ukrainians like their protocols to be respected, I imagine this will have caused some offence. Surely the FCDO advise PMs on… https://t.co/F4Fr77FWhh
— Iain Dale

(@IainDale) August 24, 2026
Un-suit-able
There’s quite a lot to think about in Dale’s comment, as we’ll demonstrate:
Call me old-fashioned if you like, but a zip-up polo shirt on a visit to a warzone? What on earth is he thinking?
At this point, you’d be forgiven for thinking that Dale wanted to see Burnham in camo and body armour. The next sentence put that notion to bed:
Even Boris worse a suit.
Okay, so what did this suit achieve exactly? It certainly wouldn’t have protected him from the bullets – not unless it was made of a Top Secret material from Q Branch.
The next point from Dale was probably the wildest thing he said:
Knowing how the Ukrainians like their protocols to be respected, I imagine this will have caused some offence.
Famously, Volodymyr Zelenskyy was criticised in the White House earlier this year for not wearing a suit. His sartorial choice was no blip, either; the guy never wears suits. In fact, he notably wasn’t wearing one when he met Andy Burnham:
Burnham to hand long-range missile blueprints to Zelensky as he visits Kyiv https://t.co/73zJ6NqILE
— BBC Politics (@BBCPolitics) August 24, 2026
Dale ended on the following point:
Surely the [Foreign, Commonwealth, and Development Office] advise PMs on things like this?
We imagine they did advise Burnham, and that said advice was: ‘probably best not to dress up given who you’re meeting, eh?‘.
Hysteria
Dale wasn’t the only one to become uncontrollably upset by the image of Burnham’s polo neck; GB News had this to say:
'It's totally performative. It's ridiculous, he's not a man of the people!'
Andy Burnham faces criticism as he arrives in Ukraine for his first foreign visit as Prime Minister wearing a polo shirt. pic.twitter.com/XNql9qno4g — GB News (@GBNEWS) August 24, 2026
It’s not wrong to suggest the decision was ‘performative’; everything world leaders do in public is a performance. Burnham almost certainly did have conversations about what he wore, and he no doubt anticipated the move upsetting our permanently offended media class.
Actual problems with Burnham
Saying all the above, there are plenty of good reasons to be unhappy with Burnham, as we’ve extensively reported:
- Burnham’s £350k pre-PM donor revelations expose Labour Together continuity op.
- His reported oil plan is an insult to our intelligence.
- Burnham’s actions since becoming PM scream ‘business as usual’.
Featured image via Henry Nicholls
By Willem Moore
Politics
Manchester United mauled by The Tigers in Hull
Hull City marked their Premier League return with a controlled, confident and fully deserved 2-0 win over Manchester United at the MKM Stadium, delivering a jolt to Michael Carrick’s side on the opening weekend. First‑half goals from Semi Ajayi and Nobel Mendy exposed United’s defensive frailties and set the tone for an afternoon where the visitors never looked comfortable.
United arrived with optimism after a strong finish last season. Hull arrived with noise, energy and a point to prove. By the final whistle, only one of those moods remained.
Ajayi strikes as Manchester United unravel early
Hull’s opener came from the kind of moment Carrick will recognise all too well. A routine ball into the box wasn’t dealt with, Manchester United hesitated, and Ajayi reacted quickest, poking home from close range on 17 minutes. It was scruffy, simple and exactly the type of goal United have been warned about.
The MKM Stadium erupted. Hull, back in the top flight for the first time since 2017, fed off the atmosphere. Acun Ilicali had spoken pre‑match about people writing his team off, inside 20 minutes, Hull were making their own argument.
United, meanwhile, looked physically second best. Hull’s intensity, particularly in midfield, forced mistakes and pinned Carrick’s side deeper than they wanted. Every Hull attack carried purpose. Every Manchester United defensive action looked improvised.
Mendy doubles the damage
The second goal arrived before the break and again exposed Manchester United’s lack of organisation. A simple delivery, a clean run, and Mendy rose unchallenged to power a header past Senne Lammens on 38 minutes. Hull didn’t need to be spectacular; they just needed to be sharp. United weren’t.
By half-time, Carrick had seen enough. Marcus Rashford was sent on for his first competitive United appearance in 618 days. It was a moment of significance for the forward, but it didn’t change the pattern of the game.
Rashford’s introduction didn’t bring the spark United needed. Hull remained compact, disciplined and confident. United remained flat.
Bryan Mbeumo carved out Manchester United’s only genuine second‑half chance, breaking into space before firing a half‑volley that Konstantinos Tzolakis saved superbly with one hand. It was the kind of moment Hull had been dealing with all afternoon, decisive, calm, assured.
United never built sustained pressure. Hull never looked rattled. The newly‑promoted side managed the game with maturity, slowing it when needed, speeding it when space opened, and winning duels across the pitch.
Hull’s control highlights problems
Carrick’s side finished last season strongly, but this performance revived familiar concerns. Hull’s wing‑backs were aggressive, their midfielders relentless, and their forwards led superbly by Oli McBurnie held the ball, drew fouls and kept United pinned back.
McBurnie’s work rate and hold‑up play were central to Hull’s approach. He gave his team territory, time and a focal point. Hull didn’t just defend well; they carried a threat throughout.
Manchester United, by contrast, lacked intensity. They were second to loose balls, slow to react in transitions and vulnerable at set‑plays an issue Bruno Fernandes later admitted had been flagged before kick-off.
Hull’s win is more than an opening‑day surprise. It’s a statement that they intend to compete, not simply survive. Their organisation, physicality and clarity of approach suggest a team comfortable at this level.
For United, the defeat triggers familiar questions. Defensive reinforcements have been demanded by supporters, and with around 10 days left in the window, the pressure on recruitment and on Carrick will now intensify.
Manchester United’s next fixtures offer little margin for error. Hull, meanwhile, take momentum into their schedule, buoyed by a performance that showcased both quality and resilience.
Hull show fight as Manchester United show fragility
Hull’s performance was built on energy, organisation and belief. They were first to duels, aggressive in transitions and composed in possession. Their wing‑backs stretched Manchester United, their midfielders controlled the tempo, and their forwards carried constant threat.
United lacked those qualities. They were passive, disjointed and repeatedly exposed. Carrick’s side will argue it’s only one game, but the manner of the defeat ensures the conversation won’t be quiet.
Hull City earned this win. They were sharper, hungrier and more cohesive. Manchester United were not. For Carrick, the challenge now is to ensure this isn’t the start of another familiar story.
Featured Image courtesy of Reuters
By Faz Ali
Politics
Russia Withdraws Ambassador From The UK Amid Fresh Ukraine War Row
Russia has withdrawn its ambassador to the UK amid rising tensions over Britain’s role in the Ukraine war.
Andrei Kelin, who spent seven years as the Russian ambassador in the UK, left the posting on July 21 and the Kremlin has not submitted any names to the Foreign Office to be considered as his replacement.
According to The Times, embassy staff have no clear idea of when the role might be filled – sparking fears of a communication breakdown between the UK and Russia.
It comes after Moscow officials expressed outrage when it was confirmed British drones had been used by Ukraine to strike targets deep within Russia.
The embassy in London then claimed Britain would face the “consequences”, though the UK government doubled down on its support on Ukraine.
Prime minister Andy Burnham said the UK was not a “fair weather friends” and supports “Ukraine 100%”.
A spokesperson for the Russian embassy claimed Kelin had made “considerable efforts to preserve contacts and channels of communication” with Britain.
They accused Downing Street of choosing a “path of confrontation” with Russia.
Putin’s foreign minister Sergei Lavrov also told the media: “I feel sorry for the United Kingdom, if it is going to stand with Ukraine until the very end.
“As for the substance of our Embassy’s comment, it means only one thing: President Vladimir Putin has warned of our right to act in any area of the world’s oceans, should anyone encroach on our interests or our property.
“We have exactly the same right to regard the proudly announced direct involvement of British missile forces in strikes against the Russian Federation as participation in the war. With all the consequences that entails.”
The reason for Kelin’s departure from the role remains unclear.
Russia has threatened to downgrade its relationship with the UK over Britain’s support for Ukraine following Putin’s illegal invasion in 2022.
As Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov said in June 2024: “The issue of lowering the level of diplomatic relations is a standard practice for states that face unfriendly or hostile manifestations.”
Listen to Commons People, the podcast that makes politics easy. Every week, Kevin Schofield and Kate Nicholson unpack the week’s biggest stories to keep you informed. Join us for straightforward analysis of what’s going on at Westminster.
Politics
What Is ‘Ferritin Face’? Signs Of Iron Deficiency Explained
My skin’s a little dry, dull and pale. The rings under my eyes stay shadowy no matter how much sleep I get, and my hair could stand to be thicker.
This, TikTok assures me, is “ferritin face” – a series of visual signs that suggest my iron stores are low.
In my case, that’s been proven true through blood tests. These tests are the only reliable way to work out whether you’re iron deficient: you should see your GP if you suspect low iron.
So, does the social media trend have any merits?
Here’s what Dr Kathryn Basford from Asda Online Doctor had to say.
How common is low ferritin?
Low ferritin levels refer to depleted long-term supplies of iron. Dr Basford said it’s very common in the UK, especially among teens, kids, older people and women.
People who menstruate are at particular risk, because of the blood they lose during their periods or while pregnant.
“Women with heavy periods are likely to lose even more iron and may benefit from iron supplements, but most people can get enough iron from the foods they eat,” the GP expained.
“Iron deficiencies can be under-recognised causes of fatigue, especially in women, and larger studies, alongside increasing public interest in testing has raised awareness of this.”
What are the signs of low ferritin?
Some symptoms of low iron, like paler-than-usual skin and (more rarely) ulcers in the corners of your mouth, really do form something of a “ferritin face”.
But Dr Basford said there are loads of other possible signs of low iron we should pay attention to, like:
- tiredness
- shortness of breath
- heart palpitations
- headaches
- hair loss
- nail changes
- feeling itchy
- tinnitus
Again, however, you’ll need to see a doctor to know if you’re anaemic.
“Speak to your GP if you think you have low iron levels, and they will ask you about your lifestyle and medical history. They will likely perform a blood test to diagnose low ferritin,” the doctor stated.
“If it is unclear what is causing low iron, a doctor may issue further tests to uncover the reason for your symptoms, like a faecal immunochemical test that looks for blood in a small sample of your poo.”
Can other conditions cause symptoms like ‘ferritin face’?
That’s another reason to see your doctor if you have what you think are signs of iron deficiency. Dr Basford said that “conditions that cause fatigue, weakness, or dizziness can sometimes mimic low iron”.
“The most common are alternative forms of anaemia, or conditions like hypothyroidism and chronic kidney disease, as these impair red blood cell production,” she stated.
These might not appear on your face, but they can be confused with other symptoms of low iron.
Meanwhile, sleep apnoea can lead to fatigue, and far more rarely, some heart and lung conditions can create symptoms like palpitations and/or difficulty breathing.
What should I do if I’m diagnosed with iron deficiency anaemia?
It depends on what’s causing it, Dr Basford shared. If the issue lies mainly in your diet, your GP might recommend eating more:
- red meat
- pulses (like beans and chickpeas)
- nuts
- dried fruits
- leafy greens (especially alongside vitamin C-rich foods)
They might also instruct you to “drink less tea and coffee, and eat less dairy and foods with high levels of phytic acid, like wholegrain cereals, as these can make it harder for your body to absorb iron”.
Your doctor could put you on iron supplements, too. Whether you’re taking them after being told to by your GP, or just bought some over-the-counter, the doctor said: “Make sure not to take more than the recommended daily dose, as this can cause constipation, nausea, vomiting and stomach pain”.
Politics
Rebecca Smith: Britain needs water abundance
Rebecca Smith is the MP for South West Devon.
For too long, our national debate has assumed that decline is inevitable. As something to be managed, rather than reversed. We block housing instead of building more homes. We ration energy instead of producing more power. We restrict infrastructure instead of unleashing more growth. And increasingly, we are rationing water on an island famed for its rainfall.
Britain cannot build a prosperous future on a politics of scarcity, which tells the public to consume less, build less, and expect less. This mindset assumes that Britain’s best days are behind us and that the Government’s role is simply to manage decline as fairly as possible.
Central to our plans for renewal of both our party and our nation, the Conservatives must reject this managed decline and instead champion abundance. And, from the food we grow to the data centres we want to attract, securing an abundant supply of water now and for generations to come must be central to this vision.
However, water infrastructure currently takes decades to deliver. If we do not act swiftly, Britain risks sleepwalking into chronic shortages that will damage growth, push up food prices, constrain housebuilding, and undermine national resilience.
As I have seen first-hand with farmers and the Westcountry River Trust in my constituency, water storage, such as ponds, could provide much-needed relief when water is in short supply and play a vital role in irrigating crops during heatwaves. Too often, however, farmers are forced to navigate a regulatory headache to create ponds, on top of facing the financial pressures from droughts, heatwaves, and Labour’s war on rural communities.
The Environment Agency has already tried to block thousands of homes around Cambridge because of water shortages. Meanwhile, water-intensive businesses in my constituency and across England are being told additional supply cannot be guaranteed. Data centres, essential for the future of artificial intelligence, are increasingly constrained by water stress.
At the same time, climate change is making rainfall less predictable. We face wetter winters, drier summers, and more severe droughts. Despite these realities, Britain has not built a major reservoir since 1991. This statistic alone should shame us all.
Rather than respond to rising water demand and greater weather uncertainty by expanding supply and prioritising resilience, Britain instead has constructed a labyrinth of regulators, obstacles, and rules that make almost any meaningful infrastructure project painfully slow, prohibitively expensive, or outright impossible. This makes managing scarcity appear to be the only viable option.
The problem is not a lack of rainfall, expertise, or private capital. It is a regulatory culture built around pessimism, risk aversion, and the assumption that growth itself is the problem. That mindset is embedded most clearly in the EU-derived Habitats Regulations, which increasingly operate as barriers to resilience rather than tools for sensible environmental stewardship.
Wanting abundance is not anti-environment. In fact, scarcity is often what destroys nature. The current framework is failing both the economy and our natural world. Conservatives should be honest about this.
The system we have is littered with perverse incentives that have distorted investment decisions, by encouraging box-ticking compliance over genuine environmental improvement. This bureaucratic rigidity has resulted in water scarcity, leading to bottlenecks for homes, infrastructure, and economic growth. This is decline dressed up as environmentalism.
Conservative environmentalism should be about stewardship, resilience, and abundance. Just as we should strive to supply our economy with the water it requires, we should be striving for biodiversity in abundance, not conserving dwindling quality and quantity of habitats and species.
We must, therefore, replace these EU-era rules and pursue a more flexible, outcomes-based regulatory system that looks at entire landscapes, rather than try to address what is going on in isolated individual sites.
The current system also plans water supply around politically aspirational assumptions and a belief that “there is no longer a strong link between non-household water demand and economic activity.” The rapid growth of sectors such as artificial intelligence, hydrogen production, carbon capture, and gigafactories strongly suggests the opposite may now be true.
And yet, the Environment Agency continues to require water companies to plan future supply on the assumption that the target will be achieved, despite growing evidence to the contrary. This reckless approach creates the illusion of water resilience without actually delivering it.
Successive governments have pursued ambitious demand reduction targets while avoiding the trade-offs required to achieve them. Unable to easily increase supply, such as by building reservoirs, those responsible with delivery reductions in consumption have limited powers to influence demand.
Again, with a clear pressure to act, governments have pursued piecemeal policies that tinker at the edges, like water efficiency standards and product labelling. While striving for water abundance should not encourage unnecessary waste of resources, equally it should not be an excuse for managing scarcity through ever tighter restrictions on demand because it is easier than increasing supply.
A country that cannot provide enough water for new homes, new industries, and future generations is a country that has accepted decline. Conservatives should reject that future because, ultimately, the choice is not between prosperity and sustainability. It is between managing scarcity and creating the conditions for both to flourish.
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