TL;DR
A UC Davis BCI implant let an ALS patient speak independently for 3,800+ hours over two years with 99% accuracy, enabling him to work full time.
What ties the roster together more than any title or office is a shared preoccupation with artificial intelligence, longevity, and the near future. Asked on a sign-up form to predict the future, registrants returned again and again to the same theme: that AI will reorder work, war, education, and belief within a few years. Several foresee mass labor displacement and a swing back toward unions and government programs; others predict an “AI winter,” domestic terrorism targeting data centers, criminal defendants choosing AI lawyers over public defenders, or religious revival provoked by the disruption.
“Societal degeneration,” predicted one person, “will continue to accelerate.”
Members also list talents like “funhouse construction,” accent imitation, backcountry skiing, urban exploration, and “meditative and psychedelic inquiry into the nature of reality”; one offers “compassion and existential dread,” another “dinner parties, keeping secrets, remembering birthdays.” Their book recommendations skew toward the canonical and optimization-minded, Marcus Aurelius and Milan Kundera alongside Annie Duke’s Thinking in Bets, Peter Attia’s Outlive, and, from at least one attendee, Thiel’s own Zero to One.
Dialog also plays matchmaker. Its participant form asks registrants whether they are “looking for love” and offers to include “Single Man,” “Single Woman,” or “Other” respondents in “future matchmaking.” A separate site, dating.dialog.org, hosts an app pitched as “meaningful connections for exceptional people.”
The form also gathers sensitive answers, including each registrant’s “political leaning,” which Dialog promises “WILL NOT be shared in the app or with other participants, ever.” That data, and the matchmaking responses, were exposed in the leak.
The records sit in Airtable, a commercial database. For each participant, Dialog logs a membership status, every retreat the person has attended, a biography, a home city, and a private access token. WIRED is not publishing the tokens, which function as login credentials, or the personalized account links that contain them.
The leaked registration list also names senior figures absent from the public directory of 113: Randy Kroszner, a former governor of the Federal Reserve who now serves on the Bank of England’s Financial Policy Committee; Hallie Hoffman, a former general counsel and acting chief of staff of the Drug Enforcement Administration; Jonathan Greenblatt, the chief executive of the Anti-Defamation League; Peter Goettler, the president of the Cato Institute; Ryan Stowers, the executive director of the Charles Koch Foundation; and Roger Myerson, a Nobel laureate economist at the University of Chicago.
It also lists a cluster of Google and Google DeepMind executives, among them Tom Lue, who leads global affairs for the company’s frontier AI division, and one working journalist, Souad Mekhennet, a national security correspondent for The Washington Post. (She is listed as running an event called “Ulysses Book Club.”)
The rest of the membership spans hedge fund and private equity billionaires, current and former foreign officials, network television actors, best-selling authors, and religious leaders.
One of several internal documents Dialog left exposed on the same online database that held its registration records is a guide for event moderators, urging them to remind participants that everything is “off the record” and that comments should be concise and “nonobvious.” It also coaches them to model brief introductions to “avoid status signaling” in a room full of senators, dignitaries, and tycoons.
Elementary school is tough.
There are playground politics, multiplication tables and learning to read.
Imagine dealing with all that in a new language — or even a whole new country.
That’s the added challenge for kids who are learning English at the same time they’re learning everything else as their peers.
It’s an issue that Sarah Walters and her colleagues were determined to tackle in Troy City Schools, a public school district made up of nine campuses roughly an hour north of Cincinnati. The area is home to an automotive manufacturer that brings some employees — and their families — over from Japan.
Roughly 3 percent of the 4,000 students have primary languages like Spanish, Ukrainian and Japanese, a relatively small population compared to the most recent national average of 11 percent.
But that small group is making big gains. Looking to close the literacy gaps that have plagued schools since the pandemic, the district took a big swing to increase literacy among its English learners. It trained 116 staff members — including every elementary teacher, intervention specialist, paraprofessional and principal — in the Orton-Gillingham approach, which folds movement and touch into reading instruction.
They say it’s paying off.
Walters, a literacy instructional support specialist, says that helping multilingual students master their grasp on English is vital. Like any other student, the foundation that they lay in reading and math will affect their learning from that point on.
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“We want to help the students continue to thrive, and really everything that we’re thinking about with our student services is equitable learning opportunities,” Walters says.
Federal data shows that English learners’ achievement scores lag far behind their peers on average, and have made little improvement over the past two decades.
Troy City Schools was eager to close widening literacy gaps that surfaced after the onset of the pandemic, Walters says, which was particularly hard on English learners like those at Concord Elementary. A big hurdle was phonics, the letter sounds that make up words.
“We were seeing a lot of student frustration and wanting to give up,” Walters recalls. “Students being very withdrawn, those social-emotional impacts.”
Back in 2020, English-language instruction was inconsistent and fragmented across classrooms.
Yet, even with the desire to boost English learner scores, the program took some time.
Following the pandemic, Troy City Schools mulled over the changes for three years before it had enough funding to deliver on it, according to Danielle Romine, director of elementary teaching and learning for the district. The effort was funded through post-COVID relief grants and budget allocations made by the district’s leaders.
As a literacy specialist, Walters became certified in the Orton-Gillingham method through the Institute for Multi-Sensory Education. She’s now responsible for supporting and training staff to successfully use the techniques.
Fourth-grade students at Concord Elementary participate in the auditory-kinesthetic drill as part of the Orton-Gillingham literacy method. The teacher dictates sounds as students use sand to write the letters represented by the sound, an activity meant to help with long-term recall of what they learn. Photo courtesy of Troy Public Schools.

Walters says teachers and staff were trained to utilize drills that connect literacy concepts through visuals, sound and movement. Students might use flash cards as a visual element or tap their fingers to each letter as they spell out a word. Students also learn the origin and history of words to strengthen their ability to decode them. For example, a “red word” is one that does not follow phonics rules.
“Our multilingual learners love it because no longer are they being told, ‘That’s just the way it is,’” Walters says.
After an initial summer training on the Orton-Gillingham approach, teachers spoke so highly of the method that requests for training grew among staff.
“In a school district, if you want to get something out, just tell a teacher, because it [will] spread like wildfire,” Romine says.
And the data are showing promising results, Walter says. The district-wide third grade reading proficiency had plummeted to 56 percent in 2021-22 but had risen to 81 percent by 2023-24 — slightly higher than its pre-COVID achievement rate. The most recent state data shows Concord Elementary far surpassed its target goal for English proficiency among multilingual students.
Walters has heard from teachers who say that the approach has helped some English learner students make lightning-fast gains in reading. One educator told her that two students from Japan who joined the elementary school in the fall were conversing in English by December. Another student’s phonics diagnostic score shot up by 38 points in the same timeframe.
Now, the district is working to spread the method beyond its own campuses.
“Eventually, our goal is to support the entire community, or the entire county because Sarah having that training [enables her] to support teachers from other districts, as well,” Romine says.
But for English learners, ensuring they’re on grade level in reading goes beyond measuring their success in the classroom.
Walters says that the district is thinking about long-term learning for children who, for example, may be in the U.S. for a few years before returning to Japan.
Now, the district is working to spread the method beyond its own campuses.
“Eventually, our goal is to support the entire community, or the entire county because Sarah having that training [enables her] to support teachers from other districts, as well,” Romine says.
But for English learners, ensuring they’re on grade level in reading goes beyond measuring their success in the classroom.
Walters says that the district is thinking about long-term learning for children who, for example, may be in the U.S. for a few years before returning to Japan.
“We want students to have success across math, science, everything,” Walters says. “So it’s important that we get them up to speed as quickly as possible, because those long-term impacts could really be harmful for them. That early literacy is key.”
A UC Davis BCI implant let an ALS patient speak independently for 3,800+ hours over two years with 99% accuracy, enabling him to work full time.
A man with ALS has been using a brain implant to speak independently for more than 3,800 hours over the past two years, producing nearly 2 million words with an average speed of 56 words per minute. The study, published Monday in Nature Medicine by researchers at the University of California, Davis, represents the longest sustained demonstration that a brain-computer interface can function as a practical daily communication tool outside a laboratory. Casey Harrell, the 47-year-old participant, has used the system to return to full-time work as an environmental advocate.
The implant consists of four microelectrode arrays placed in Harrell’s left precentral gyrus, the brain region that coordinates speech, recording activity from 256 cortical electrodes. Machine learning algorithms built into a software platform called BRAND, developed by UC Davis postdoctoral fellow Nicholas Card, translate that neural activity into English-language phonemes, then map those phonemes to words and sentences. The system reads out the decoded text in a synthesised version of Harrell’s pre-ALS voice.
In controlled testing with a 125,000-word vocabulary, the system scored over 99% word accuracy. In daily use outside the lab, Harrell rated 92% of sentences as accurate or mostly correct. During the study period, he communicated more than 183,000 sentences.
“The key thing to me is that it’s enabling everyday communication for a guy who wants to talk but can’t,” neurosurgeon David Brandman, who implanted the device in 2023 and co-led the study, told The Register. “Despite being paralysed, he has gone back to work full time and has meaningful conversations with his daughter who’s never heard the sound of his voice.”
The study’s significance lies not just in accuracy but in independence. Previous BCI systems required researchers to be present in the patient’s home whenever the device was in use, or required the patient to travel to a lab. Harrell’s system is operated by his home care team, with no researcher support needed.
Based on the study’s timeline, he averaged more than five hours of daily use.
The UC Davis team is part of BrainGate, the consortium of universities and the US Department of Veterans Affairs developing brain-computer interfaces for speech restoration, computer control, and movement recovery. The hardware itself is not custom-built, using existing microelectrode arrays produced by Blackrock Neurotech. The breakthrough is in the software, specifically the BRAND platform’s machine learning algorithms that decode attempted speech from neural signals in real time.
Brandman compared the current state of BCI technology to early pacemakers, which in the 1950s required external wiring to large batteries or wall power. Seventy years later, pacemakers are implanted in outpatient procedures. “We’re at the early stages of this kind of technology,” Brandman said.
Harrell is still wired to external computers, but the UC Davis team’s AI advances combined with hardware miniaturisation work at companies like Neuralink, Synchron, and Paradromics point toward a future where the setup is far less cumbersome.
The competitive landscape in BCI is accelerating. Neuralink has implanted devices in at least 21 patients under research protocols but lacks commercial approval. China approved the first commercially available invasive BCI earlier this year.
Other approaches to restoring speech for people with ALS use AI voice conversion rather than brain implants, but those methods require the patient to retain some vocal ability.
What distinguishes the UC Davis work is its demonstration that a BCI can cross from laboratory experiment to sustained, practical daily tool. The 3,800 hours of brain recording also constitute the largest individual neural dataset with single-neuron resolution ever collected, according to co-principal investigator Sergey Stavisky, which will inform future improvements to the decoding algorithms.
The system remains an investigational device, limited by federal law to research use, and has been tested on a single patient. Whether the results generalise to other ALS patients, or to people with different neurological conditions, is not yet known. Scaling the technology from a clinical trial to a prescribed medical device will require regulatory approval, hardware miniaturisation, and cost reduction that could take years.
“I want desperately to not be unique or special, because that will mean I no longer have the disease or that everyone that has the disease like me can get this prescribed to them,” Harrell said through his BCI system.
SYSTEMS
Running low on memory, can’t afford more? The House of Zen’s latest acquisition puts an AI spin on flash-based memory expansion
With no end in sight to the memory crunch, AMD thinks that AI, the main cause of the shortage, could be part of the solution. This week, the House of Zen acquired predictive memory startup Mext for an undisclosed sum, setting the stage for a world where bots decide which data to put into RAM and which to store in less-expensive flash.
Founded in 2023, the Mext proactive memory platform uses machine learning algorithms and learned heuristics to proactively offload “cold” memory to flash storage, and, based on data access patterns, restore it before its needed again.
Modern flash arrays are already approaching main memory in terms of aggregate bandwidth, but swapping to disk still imposes a stiff latency penalty.
Mext claims it can expand the effective memory of a system by 2 to 4x using flash, which gig for gig is still vastly less expensive than DRAM.
This flash memory is exposed to the operating system like regular memory simply by running the Mextd daemon.
Memory tiering is nothing new and has seen various reincarnations over the years with some being software based and others, like Intel Optane persistent memory, using special 3D XPoint memory tech co-developed by Micron.
Mext stands out for its use of machine learning to migrate data from hot memory to cold storage almost like a branch predictor — something AMD has an awful lot of experience with.
Mext isn’t using one model to decide when to shuffle your data. Instead it uses a series of heuristics, long short term memory, and modern transformer architectures depending on which combination renders the best results.
“This approach has the potential to reduce infrastructure costs, improve resource utilization, and help customers more effectively scale general-purpose and AI workloads,” Dan McNamara SVP of AMD’s compute and enterprise AI biz wrote in a blog post this week.
Beyond enterprise applications, the technology could have implications for AI serving.
Modern mixture of experts (MoE) models are, as their name suggests, comprised of multiple sub-models.
For each token predicted, a different selection of experts may be used. In practice an LLM may use some experts more frequently and others rarely.
We wouldn’t be surprised to see AMD use Mext’s prediction algorithms to offload infrequently utilized experts from HBM to slower system memory, enabling enterprises to take advantage of larger more capable models with fewer resources.
That’s just speculation of course, but we’ve reached out to AMD for comment; we’ll let you know if we hear anything back. ®
A new, bipartisan idea is taking Washington by storm: collective ownership of the means of production.
Last Friday, President Donald Trump announced that he would soon be meeting with the executives of top AI companies to discuss a financial “partnership.”
“There are concepts where pieces [of these companies] could be given to the American public, where the American public essentially becomes a partner with the companies,” Trump said. “And by doing that, they’re going to like it better.”
By this, the president (seemingly) meant that the US government may take an ownership stake in major AI companies and then distribute the fruits of its investments to the general public, perhaps through universal dividend payments.
This proposal did not come to Trump via some undercover, socialist operative embedded deep within the White House — but rather, from the CEO of OpenAI.
As NOTUS reported last week, Altman first pitched Trump on the concept in early 2025 and discussions between the administration and OpenAI have heated up more recently. No deal has been finalized. But talks have centered on an arrangement in which top AI labs voluntarily donate shares to the government — an approach that might enable Uncle Sam to partially nationalize the AI industry without Congress passing any law.
Officially, OpenAI’s interest in effectively transferring wealth from its shareholders to Uncle Sam is public-spirited. The company maintains that advances in AI are likely to generate massive profits for top labs, while sowing wrenching disruptions through labor markets. Thus, to ensure that ordinary people “share in the upside” of AI-fueled economic growth, the company has called for the creation of a “Public Wealth Fund,” which would invest in “both AI companies and the broader set of firms adopting and deploying AI,” and then send a portion of the returns to every American. In other words, it would pay out a universal basic income (another popular idea in Silicon Valley).
Yet many suspect OpenAI’s motives are more self-interested: By giving the US government a direct stake in its success, the company may be trying to insulate itself from stringent regulation or open competition. Moreover, whatever Altman’s intentions, skeptics argue that the government getting into cahoots with individual AI companies is a recipe for cronyism and conflicts of interest. (Disclosure: Vox Media is one of several publishers that have signed partnership agreements with OpenAI. Our reporting remains editorially independent.)
These concerns seem well-founded. A narrow partnership between the federal government and select AI companies would plausibly do more to generate corruption than redistribute income.
Yet there is a real risk that artificial intelligence will shift massive amounts of income away from workers and towards capital. And a highly diversified, scrupulously managed public wealth fund could help mitigate that hazard. Unfortunately, the Trump administration has evinced little interest in that approach to social ownership (or in scruples more broadly).
Companies don’t typically cook up schemes for reducing the value of their own shares. And yet, on its face, OpenAI’s reported proposal amounts to precisely that: If the company donates equity to the government, it will dilute the value of all its existing stock.
This invites the question: What’s in it for them?
There are multiple plausible answers. OpenAI may be trying to limit its exposure to regulation. In opinion polls, a supermajority of Americans express concern for where AI is taking their society — and support for more heavily regulating the industry.
Turning every American into an OpenAI shareholder could theoretically reduce the company’s susceptibility to onerous new rules in a couple of different ways. First, doing so may simply soften the AI industry’s image and buy it some goodwill from the American electorate (Trump seemed to reference this when saying that his arrangement would make Americans like AI better).
Second, such an arrangement would more closely align the public’s interests with those of OpenAI. After all, regulations that reduce the firm’s profitability would now also cut government revenue and/or, Americans’ dividend payments (such payouts might be small at first, but could become substantial over time, particularly if the government cuts deals with other major AI labs). Voters might be less inclined to protest a noisy data center if they think they’re directly profiting from it.
Similarly, accepting partial nationalization could boost OpenAI’s odds of securing a federal bailout if its revenues do not grow fast enough to cover its debts (a scenario that some analysts consider quite likely). There is a long history of governments shielding state-owned enterprises from market discipline. Thus, the progressive economist Dean Baker fears that an AI wealth fund would “end up being a mechanism to shovel yet more money” at billionaires aligned with the administration.
It is also possible that, by donating shares to the government, individual AI firms might buy themselves an advantage over their competitors. For its part, the Trump administration has displayed no shyness about rewarding businesses that curry its favor, and retaliating against those who do not.
Indeed, the White House has already tried to sabotage OpenAI’s chief rival. In February, Anthropic refused to sign a contract that would have authorized the Pentagon to use its AI for mass surveillance and fully autonomous weapons systems. The Defense Department responded by declaring Anthropic a “supply chain risk” — a designation that would restrict the capacity of government contractors to do business with the AI company. If a federal judge had not blocked that move, it could have done serious damage to Anthropic’s business — while benefiting both OpenAI and xAI, which is owned by Trump megadonor Elon Musk.
If the government took a stake in OpenAI but not Anthropic — or in all the major AI labs but not in more recent startups — the Trump administration might have further incentive to intervene on behalf of its favored firms.
Separately, the White House could use a public wealth fund to unduly influence AI labs’ decision-making. The government’s shares could give it the power to vote on companies’ internal policies — or else, seek to deter certain decisions with threats of selling off the firm’s stock.
These risks are amplified by the reportedly informal and ad-hoc nature of the public wealth fund being contemplated. Without congressionally authorized rules governing the fund’s management and investment decisions, the administration could have wide latitude to use its newfound financial power in self-interested ways.
“It would be good for OpenAI to have every American underwriting them,” Samuel Hammond, Director of Artificial Intelligence Policy at the Foundation for American Innovation, told me. “But in America’s political context, we’re likely to get a corrupted version of a state enterprise that is used for personal enrichment and the partisan motives of whoever’s in charge.”
Although Trump’s (reported) version of a public wealth fund seems to invite more risks than benefits, this would not necessarily be true of all such funds.
As a general concept, combating AI-induced inequality by increasing public ownership of corporations has much to recommend it.
Artificial intelligence could greatly increase investors’ share of national income at workers’ expense: If companies replace much of their high-skill workforce with AI, their shareholders could reap the benefits, even as white-collar laborers lose their jobs and bargaining power.
And if the technology truly takes off, generating an explosively productive economy run by software and robots instead of people, the AI giants could end up harvesting profits of mind-bending scale.
At the very least, this is what a lot of investors are seemingly betting on. Despite myriad economic headwinds, stock prices are hovering near record highs, due largely to the sky-high valuations of AI stocks. Meanwhile, Anthropic and OpenAI’s impending initial public offerings are expected to be among the biggest in history, and Musk could soon become a trillionaire.
The government could seek to share this wealth through traditional tax and transfer policies: If investors and tech firms are raking in cash, Congress can raise rates on capital gains, inheritances, and corporate income, then use the proceeds to fund more generous social programs or cash benefits for ordinary Americans.
Conventional taxes are surely part of the solution. As an approach to redistributing business income, however, a public (or “social”) wealth fund has some advantages over corporate taxes.
The corporate income tax applies only to the profits a company reports, which firms have considerable latitude and incentive to minimize. Large enterprises spend vast sums of money each year on finding innovative ways to defer or relocate their profits, so as to reduce their liabilities. The government then must dedicate its own resources to auditing these practices. This system not only enables corporations to weasel out of their obligations but also generates tremendous waste: All the skilled labor and entrepreneurial energy currently devoted to tax avoidance could otherwise be deployed towards creating actual value for consumers.
A public wealth fund circumvents these problems. Suppose that, instead of taxing corporate profits at 25 percent, the government required each firm to hand over newly issued shares equal to 25 percent of its total stock. From then on, whenever the company paid a dividend or bought back shares, the government would automatically collect a quarter of the payout. With this approach, a business’s profits have nowhere to hide: A company can shift its earnings to a subsidiary in Dublin or a mailbox in Singapore. Regardless, if that corporation wants to reward its shareholders, Uncle Sam will get his cut. And even if the company hoards its cash, when its operations get more profitable, its stock will rise — and the government’s portfolio will gain value.
Separately, a public wealth fund could have political advantages over traditional tax-and-transfer programs. Once voters get accustomed to the idea that they collectively own a share of their society’s financial wealth, dividends paid out of those assets may be seen more as an entitlement than a handout.
The Alaska Permanent Fund is a case in point. In the 1970s, Alaska used royalties on its oil resources to seed a financial fund owned by all its residents in common. This year, it will pay out $1,200 to each Alaskan. Critically, despite Alaska’s conservative bent — and Americans’ general skepticism toward unconditional cash welfare — the permanent fund is overwhelmingly popular among Alaskans, and no serious effort has been made to restrict eligibility for dividends.
“There’s this notion that we all own this,” Matt Bruenig, founder of the People’s Policy Project and a leading advocate for social wealth funds, said. “So, there’s this attitude of: Maybe I disapprove of you or speculate that you’re going to blow your dividend on a snow machine or whatever. But it’s not my business. It’s your money.”
It’s possible that this consensus reflects the particular origins of Alaska’s fund: The idea that everyone has some entitlement to their state’s oil reserves — which no human being brought into existence — may be more intuitive than the notion that we all deserve a share of corporate profits writ large.
Yet American companies’ value derives in large part from inherited technologies, knowledge, and institutions that no living person created — as well as public goods that all US workers and taxpayers help to sustain.
And artificial intelligence may make the social origins of private profits more readily apparent: As Bernie Sanders recently noted, when AI generates useful code, images, or writing, it does so by synthesizing vast corpuses of data that humanity collectively produced.
To be sure, a broad social wealth fund would present some of the same risks as the rumored Trump-Altman proposal.
Although a fund that invested in all corporations would be less likely to fuel government favoritism towards select firms or industries, such a policy would still align the government’s interests with those of corporate shareholders: Any new regulation that reduced the corporate sector’s profitability — whether by increasing its labor costs, environmental responsibilities, or some other mechanism — would simultaneously reduce the government’s revenue and potentially, voters’ dividend payments. Some on the left oppose social wealth funds on these grounds.
And yet, the government already has a stake in corporate profitability: When firms earn less profit, they pay less in taxes. A public wealth fund might make this reality more apparent. But the alignment of interest between the state and corporate shareholders is inherent in capitalism. And democratic governments have nonetheless constrained businesses’ profits in myriad ways, for better and worse.
This said, a public wealth fund would undoubtedly risk centralizing economic power and thus, abetting corruption: The government could theoretically leverage its status as a mega-shareholder to micro-manage the internal operations of private businesses. A world in which the Trump administration and its allies exercised influence over every corporate news outlet — rather than just some — would be less than favorable for democratic freedom.
This threat is also manageable in principle. One approach would be to simply have the public wealth fund hold exclusively nonvoting shares, which would limit the government’s role in corporate decisionmaking. Another would be to establish transparent, technocratic, and bipartisan rules for how the public wealth fund will exercise its voice in corporate affairs, as Norway has already done for its own fund.
Of course, many things are possible in principle but not in today’s United States. A rule-bound, universal social wealth fund might help ordinary Americans share in the fruits of AI-fueled economic growth. A voluntary partnership between the Trump administration and select AI firms, by contrast, seems more likely to help the president’s favorite companies limit their investors’ downside risks.
If so, Trump’s wealth fund would be less of a bold reform for unprecedented times than a new spin on an age-old tradition: Socialism for the rich, capitalism for the poor.
After multiple delays, Shrek is back, and he is bringing the whole family time! DreamWorks has released the first trailer for Shrek 5, and it is exactly as chaotic as you would hope. The film marks the franchise’s return after 17 years since Shrek Forever After in 2010, and it hits theaters on June 30, 2027.
Mike Myers, Eddie Murphy, and Cameron Diaz are all back as Shrek, Donkey, and Fiona. The trailer opens with a storybook recap of the original story, before Donkey interrupts to announce it is time for a makeover.
The gang, now joined by Shrek and Fiona’s three grown-up kids, head to a new city called Further Further Away, which is sketchier than Far, Far Away ever was.

The trailer wastes no time in serving up a Gingerbread Man with two gumdrops strapped to his butt, proudly declaring he is “caked up like a friggin’ bakery,” followed by some very enthusiastic twerking.
There is also a melting, grimy snowman lurking in a back alley asking, “Wanna date a snowman?” taking a dig at Frozen’s Olaf.

Zendaya voices Felicia, Shrek and Fiona’s daughter, and her involvement in Shrek 5 has been confirmed. However, she is completely absent from the trailer footage. Shrek can be seen in the jail cell with Fiona and his two sons, Fergus and Farkle, but Felicia is nowhere to be found. Whether Felicia got kidnapped or simply had better weekend plans is anyone’s guess.
Not everyone is thrilled with how the trailer looks, though. Many fans have taken issue with the updated animation style, which makes Shrek and Donkey look noticeably more detailed and lifelike than in the previous films.
Comments on Universal’s Instagram ranged from “we want the old Shrek back” to “do what they did with Sonic,” a reference to how Paramount famously redesigned Sonic the Hedgehog after fans revolted over his original movie look. It’s too early to say if Universal would be forced to do the same.
If animated trailers are your thing right now, Pixar also just dropped the first trailer for Gatto, and Disney unveiled its first look at Hexed, the studio’s most exciting original film in years.
On Wednesday morning, workers poured hydrogen peroxide into the Lincoln Memorial Reflecting Pool in Washington, DC.
The treatment is the latest attempt by the Interior Department to control an algae bloom that has turned the pool bright green, despite President Donald Trump’s costly renovation to make it “American flag blue” in time for the nation’s 250th anniversary. Hot temperatures and climate change are among the risk factors that could be driving the outbreak.
The Trump administration spent more than $14 million to update the pool ahead of celebrations across the US capital. The work was done under a no-bid contract by a company that has never worked for the federal government. (It has, however, worked on President Donald Trump’s golf courses, according to The New York Times.)
Algae began forming less than a day after the updated pool was unveiled last week. An Interior Department spokesperson told CNN that the bloom was due to “residual algae from the supply lines, which have been sitting dormant for eight weeks.”
One of the issues appears to be the water source. The Reflecting Pool usually draws water from the nearby Tidal Basin, which is often filled with algae. During periods with high amounts of algae, the water supply switches to municipal drinking water. The US Interior Department didn’t immediately respond to questions from WIRED about which water source is currently feeding the pool.
Another issue is the weather. High temperatures create “a perfect storm for [algae] to bloom,” says Hans Paerl, a former professor at the University of North Carolina’s Institute of Marine Sciences. Stagnant water, Pearl says, makes the problem even worse. “Lakes and reservoirs around the world—they all have this problem during this time of year.” Hotter-than-normal weather is expected to hit Washington, DC, to end the week, which could make controlling the bloom more challenging.
Paerl also points out another, related driver that the Trump administration has shown it’s not in a rush to resolve: climate change.
“It’s just getting hotter, and these blooms are expanding globally—they’re moving up into higher latitudes,” he says. “It’s clearly a temperature effect allowing them to optimize their growth.”
Beyond the hydrogen peroxide, the Interior Department is “deploying high-tech nanobubble ozone technology” to keep algae at bay, an agency spokesperson tells WIRED in an email.
Trump has touted the work on the pool, which includes painting it blue and fixing leaks, while also saying the company the government hired would be able to do repairs “in much less time, for much less money.”
After alleging that Apple supplier Tata contaminated farm water and threatening to close its iPhone factory, Indian regulators have now dropped the matter altogether.
As a result of Apple’s supply chain diversification plans, which aim to reduce reliance on China, a quarter of all iPhones sold worldwide are now made in India. Tata, which manufactures iPhone backplates, is a relevant factor in the process, but its production efforts have come under scrutiny.
In 2025, farmers near Tata’s facility in Tamil Nadu complained to authorities that factory wastewater was contaminating their land and open wells. After conducting five inspections from December 2025 through May 2026, the Tamil Nadu Pollution Control Board (TNPCB) threatened to shut down Tata’s factory.
On Tuesday, however, the regulator seemingly backpedaled. In a statement to Reuters, Tata explained that it had addressed all contamination concerns and that its facility in Tamil Nadu was no longer under TNPCB scrutiny.
As the company “satisfactorily addressed all queries” made by the Tamil Nadu regulator, it has now “dropped any further course of action on this issue.” Neither Apple nor the TNPCB commented on the matter, though.
Initially, the Tamil Nadu Pollution Control Board argued that “groundwater in the open wells located in the adjacent agricultural lands” was contaminated. It was alleged that Tata’s rainwater harvesting pond ended up overflowing because of wastewater discharged from the factory.
Tata was reportedly made aware of the contamination on December 23, 2025, but the company did not respond.
On Saturday, however, Tata revealed it had conducted an independent sample analysis, which indicated the company was in full compliance with regulations. All parameters were reportedly within the prescribed limits.
Now, the company says the TNPCB has reached the same conclusion, as “the reports of its own analysis of recently collected water samples from Tata Electronics’ manufacturing facility in Hosur, Tamil Nadu, do not indicate any contamination”.
Though the regulator ultimately conceded, it’s still unclear if farm water in the Tamil Nadu region was actually contaminated.
It’s unclear how and why Tata’s findings differed from the results of the initial tests conducted by the TNPCB. Either the regulator somehow made the same mistake five times in a row, or it was pressured into dropping its threat against Tata.
While Apple’s most significant supply chain partner, Foxconn, assembles the iPhone in India, parts for the devices also come from Tata.
In 2024, the company entered into a $1B partnership with Pegatron, another key Apple supplier, to expand iPhone manufacturing in Tamil Nadu. The year prior, Tata purchased Wistron’s Karnataka facility.
With its Tamil Nadu plant now receiving an all-clear from regulators, Tata’s iPhone component production will continue. Its manufacturing efforts may even increase, as Apple seeks to reduce its long-standing reliance on China.
General Motors (GM) has announced a partnership with energy storage firm Peak Energy in a move marking a notable shift in the automaker’s battery strategy.
Under the agreement, GM will manufacture sodium-ion (Na-ion) battery cells for stationary energy storage systems serving utilities, data centers, and other large electricity users.
Peak Energy will then deploy those cells within its own proprietary storage systems for utilities and large power users.
Na-ion batteries share considerable chemical similarity with the lithium-ion (Li-ion) cells that dominate portable electronics and electric vehicles today. However, the comparisons largely end at that basic chemistry.
GM and Peak argue Na-ion systems can operate across a much wider temperature range.
This potentially eliminates the costly cooling infrastructure that grid-scale Li-ion deployments typically require.
“When you’re talking to a utility, a hyperscaler, or other power providers in need of energy storage solutions, their priority is not maximizing range or minimizing weight,” said Kurt Kelty, GM VP of battery and sustainability.
“It is delivering reliable, affordable power over long periods of time in real-world conditions.”
That distinction matters because sodium’s biggest weakness — lower energy density compared to lithium — translates into larger, heavier battery packs for equivalent storage capacity.
For a vehicle, that trade-off would be disqualifying, but for a stationary installation bolted to the ground, weight simply does not factor into the equation at all.
Peak Energy has already developed passively cooled Na-ion storage systems that the company claims reduce energy storage costs by 20% compared to Li-ion options.
Peak’s own analysis suggests the US could avoid roughly 2TW hours of wasted energy annually if Li-ion phosphate systems were replaced with its Na-ion technology.
Kelty argues GM’s existing expertise in cell design, prototyping, and industrialization translates directly to Na-ion manufacturing, citing what he called important architectural similarities between the two chemistries.
“We believe sodium-ion can become a defining chemistry for grid-scale energy storage in the years ahead,” Kelty added.
However, Na-ion technology still faces real obstacles before it can challenge lithium’s dominance at scale.
The manufacturing ecosystem for Na cells remains far less developed than for Li-ion.
Historically, sodium-ion cells have offered lower energy density than lithium-ion alternatives, requiring larger battery installations to store comparable amounts of energy.
Another challenge involves production capacity, since China currently hosts most sodium-ion battery manufacturing facilities.
GM and Peak Energy are American companies, and efficient Na-ion production may ultimately depend on Chinese manufacturing capacity — a reliance the current political climate may not permit.
At the time of writing, GM has not provided details regarding production timelines, manufacturing scale, or how quickly its partnership with Peak Energy could develop into meaningful competition within the broader energy storage industry.
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After years of user demand, Instagram has rolled out a feature that allows users to further personalize their profiles’ look. The newly released Instagram Grid Reordering feature allows users to shuffle their posts on their grid without deleting or republishing them. The new feature will be quite convenient for users to highlight their best content. Alongside this innovative feature, the company has launched other creative features.
Grid Reordering is not the only update Instagram plans to roll out. It has also unveiled other updates aimed at encouraging creativity within the app. With the new Spotify integration, users can share their favorite songs on Instagram Notes, making it easy to showcase their musical preferences.
The platform will also launch new handwritten fonts for Stories and Reels. Instagram created these fonts from handwriting samples submitted by content creators. The new fonts are scheduled to launch on June 20.
Meta Ray-Bans have been under increased public scrutiny following revelations about the facial recognition work Meta has been doing on its smart glasses. Consumers are rightly wary of products that could convert wearable tech into everyday surveillance devices.
In early June, an investigation by Wired exposed how Meta had quietly embedded code for dormant facial recognition software under the internal designation “NameTag.” The feature, if rolled out, could have allowed Meta smart glasses to biometrically identify anyone in view — in real time, without consent — using a stored digital faceprint. The code, which was never made active for users, was removed a day later.
The Electronic Frontier Foundation’s Threat Lab verified the initial findings and reported that Meta reversed course following public blowback. But the privacy nonprofit noted that Meta deleting the code “does not equal a permanent change of heart.”
Now, just a week after Meta removed the code, the company is facing new questions about its facial recognition software prototype. A new investigation by Wired uncovered that Meta partnered with Rank One Computing, a supplier for the US military and law enforcement agencies, for its biometric identification technology. Wired said it uncovered a software license tying the Pentagon vendor to the Meta AI app, the same one used for Meta’s smart glasses products.
The license agreement would authorize Meta to use Rank One’s military-grade facial recognition and “liveness detection,” which confirms whether someone is seeing a live person or a mask or photo. This business relationship, as Wired pointed out, “shows how thin the line has grown between the surveillance technology sold to law enforcement and the military and the consumer products sold to everyone else.”
According to Wired, Rank One Computing declined to comment on the findings. The Denver-based firm, which earns roughly 80% of its revenue from government clients, didn’t respond to a request from CNET for comment.
A Meta spokesperson told CNET that it has made no final decisions on facial recognition software for Meta Glasses, but would not confirm whether the tech giant is licensing a military-grade engine for its glasses. In an emailed statement, Meta noted: “Nothing has shipped to consumers and no final decision has been made on what to do here, if anything. If we do decide to roll something out, we will take a thoughtful approach and do so with full transparency.”
In our previous coverage, CNET noted a dangerous precedent if Meta’s glasses store biometric face data in an embedded database architecture that can compare new faceprints to existing ones. At the time, a Meta spokesperson responded that the company is “not building a central face database.”
In late 2021, under public pressure, Meta announced plans to shut down its efforts to build a central facial recognition database on the Facebook platform. By that point, the company said, about 600 million users globally had already opted into the software, which could identify faces in photos and videos for tagging people on the social media site. Meta later settled a 2024 lawsuit filed by the state of Texas over the collection of facial recognition data for $1.4 billion.
Earlier this year, the New York Times reported that Meta was developing software for its smart glasses to identify people, presumably using data from its social networks, such as Facebook and Instagram. The article cited an internal memo from Meta that said political tumult in the US would distract critics from the feature’s release.
Privacy advocacy groups such as the EFF have long spelled out the harms of facial recognition technology, as biometric-enabled public surveillance severely undermines anonymity. Facial recognition technology also has a disproportionately negative impact on marginalized groups, as it can track movement, misidentify people of color and lead to wrongful arrests. Businesses and governments can also abuse faceprints without consent, creating risks for identity theft and cybersecurity.
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